The Nation, Reprise

A nation is a political entity, not necessarily a geographical one. It is the form taken by a political force, when it has attained political power.

However, the modern nation has no political substance. Its state and politics alters every few years; further, in a capitalistic system the political agenda is avoided in favour of the actions of atomised actors. The state is reduced to tending to private, economic interests. Hence, ultimately, it is forced to fall behind capital, although in practice this is to evade the political in favour of economic interests. However, more decisively, the 'politics' of a nation are hence insubstantial, an empty 'hole' to be filled by foreign content. This nation is ultimately also 'insubstantial.'

Hence, the nation is reduced to arbitrary, 'geographical' boundaries, in lieu of a substantial political entity. Its politics are indefinite, variable,and ultimately empty. Hence, politically the nation means nothing. It is merely an 'obstacle,' an extent of land barred from political forces. It is in contradiction with itself, however, and hence ultimately limited and torn apart.

Hence, although the political is an aspect of humans, it appears in an 'alienated' form - the 'political' plays out in a realm separated from itself, it is torn away from itself. That which it wants and which is a content proper to it, is enacted where it is not. There is a certain level of superstition or 'patriotism' which is inherent to this. It is hence connected to what we have previously referred to as the 'imaginative' element of capitalistic economies. Further, there arises an even more degenerated politics that calls for replacing struggle with 'co-operation' between nations and 'leaving behind differences,' merely indulging in the emptiness which the capitalistic economy reduces politics to. Nonetheless, along with this 'patriotism' is the firmer 'nationalism' - the demand that the political element establish itself in a primary role, and subject the other elements of the nation which have trivialised it. This is still, in some ways, often merely a distortion of the 'patriotism' of nations, expressing yet not decisively expressing the contradictions of the capitalistic nation. It often scavenges among the nations and people there for an identity, it does not like communism aim primarily at a break with this and towards the future. Hence, while a necessary form taken by the continual self-negation of the counterfeit-political, it is nonetheless itself often limited. It often, in any case, plays a generic political role, set out for it by this system - when the nationalistic comes to play a decisive role, as it must, then it will eventually break free of this generic character. However, it might initially be reluctant about this, about lacking a clear 'anchor ' or 'belonging' in a systematic niche. This must nonetheless occur, in such a situation.

However, along with this development, there is also the continuing 'externalisation' of political and substantial movements from themselves, the manufacturing of hollow, 'phantom' versions of these. These artificial forms are still contradictory, and in a way more contradictory. They are also highly 'derivative' and empty. Nonetheless, you hence have a 'realm' which cannot be accessed by the political, or indeed by official and straightforward means, which hence exists at a level of separation from the realm of genuine content. To keep this separate, the 'gateways' to it must be increasingly 'rigged' and targetted towards limiting genuine content from getting through - eventually barring the gates to the field entirely, or consigning it to the 'imaginative.' Nonetheless, these alienated realms must eventually expand into a right leviathan, akin to an informal aristocracy.

Firstly, however, this then starts to 'self-cannibalise' - its participants are obligated to act this way towards each other, as this is how they function. Hence, actors are set apart, again as though by a screen, and act in parallel as though 'self-sufficient'. They ultimately stand together against the genuine content, or in a 'reactionary' sense; nonetheless, they inhabit a form of 'pseudo-capital' that still threatens this division. However, as this 'realm' is self-undermining, or continually absorbs hostile elements, the hierarchy there - given that they are 'cut off' by default - is merely determined by who can continue to stand out despite inimical tendencies. While all elements in this realm relate to the content similarly, they hence are mostly distinguished by their ability to stay a focus despite the others starting to cut them off and subjecting them to their own means. This relates not to their standing out, necessarily, rather to their channeling things in that direction relative to the others. This cannot occur in too complex a form, given their role.

Hence, among the nations, 'nationalism' draws on conflicts and division. Aggressive modern regimes - Nazi Germany, the USSR, ISIS - have generally arisen in the after-math of war and conflict. Hence, they draw on 'cycles' of conflict and hatred, which are a contradiction that must eventually, dragon-like, explode and tear the world order apart. In some way, these incursions foreshadow its end. As the realm of the national and political is quickly set against the capitalistic form, this aggravation is hence aggressive - while in the cultural realm it is usually only destructive or makes the whole field appear peculiar. Nonetheless, if these nations do not turn against the system itself, they cannot support this division and will be supplanted by those who are less mired in it. The nations which attempt to avoid getting caught up in their division will 'survive,' until the whole system disappears. Likewise, more generally: nations which turn against the system, yet remain branded, by it will have problems with nations more 'consistent' with it. However, the nations that hijack this division do so with a purpose higher than the system, not merely to survive as a 'stable' entity within it. Hence, if they encounter problems with this, this does not impinge on their purpose - which shall eventually be realised. In this progression, 'nationalism' will eventually leave this circumscribed role and take on an independent form.